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The Welsh Backgrounds
Tracing the progenitors of Richard and Mary Lloyd-Jones is complicated
because many connections apparently were known so well at the time that they
were not written down, because the names themselves were re-used through
generations or were altered to suit local custom and convenience, because
documents were lost or destroyed, and because memories recorded in America may
have been distorted by the distance from Wales. Before
there were the Lloyd-Joneses of Wisconsin, there were the Joneses of the Teifi
Valley and elsewhere in Wales. Entries
in Mary’s Y Bible, but in Richard’s handwriting (according to his
daughter Jane), suggest that the Ll (signifying Lloyd) was added
after the family crossed the Atlantic. The
family in Wales remained “Jones.” That
raises the question of why the name itself is important and how it relates to
“Jones”. Close behind are the
questions of why the family left Wales at all and what baggage of Welsh identity
came with them to America. John
Enoch
“Jones” is the gift of Richard’s father—John Enoch.
One traditional naming system of Wales was patronymic.
Thus John’s children were John’s, that is, Jones.
The father’s given name became the identifying name of the children.
The English used surnames, as we do. Welsh people who for one reason or
another wished to identify with English customs adopted that system after the
Act of Union during the reign of the early Tudors, and by the middle of the 19th
century (thanks to the census takers) most adopted the English system.
John Enoch’s children thus were Joneses under the old system, and by
the census of 1841 John Enoch too had become John Jones, apparently preferring
the option for himself as well. Some
people chose new names altogether (Richard’s sister Jane married a man named
“Davies” but because of confusion with another man in a pay line decided to
become “Rees”), some changed the spelling of old names (“correct”
spelling did not become a fetish until the late 19th century), some
preferred to use the occupation or farm names as a means of identification, and
a few given names were used over and over in different generations.
One must be imaginative in trying trace connections.
For me Mary (Spring Green) Lloyd-Jones’ elaborate Family Tree has been
an immense help in sorting the generations. Thanks
to Ifan James (a cousin by way of Mary’s family) and John Jenkins (no relative
we can trace, although all Welsh people seem to be cousins) we know more about
John Enoch than our parents did. His American grandchildren seemed unaware of
him, or didn’t write of him, and indeed did not realize that Jones (John’s)
in our name came from his given name. There
was a tradition that the immigrants’ youngest son, Enos, had been named for
Enoch, Richard’s youngest brother, but that the name was altered when there
was a dispute with the brother at the time of the death of Margaret (John
Enoch’s wife and Richard’s mother), or perhaps after Enoch Jones came to
Ixonia, Wisconsin. There may have been such a dispute, but there are no marks in
Mary’s Y Bible to confirm such a change in names. We
are told that Enoch Jones inherited or acquired Richard’s Ixonian farm, and we
know that he is buried there along with his brother Jenkin, and possibly his
sister Rachel (or more likely his wife) is in the next grave.
There may have been other disputes after Margaret’s death.
Furthermore, we might guess (with Ifan James) that John Enoch became John
Jones in part to separate himself from his father’s reputation as being a bit
free with sexual favors, and that could have affected his choice of names at the
outset. Ifan James also suggests that Jones might simply have been a more
popular name. Whatever
the reason, Richard’s father may have died as John Jones.
At least the Rev’d Thomas Thomas, a half-nephew of Richard’s mother,
Margaret, refers to him as John Jones and names him a co-executor of his own
will, which was probated in 1812. (The Rev’d Thomas Thomas is the son of
Thomas Thomas and Jane, who was the daughter of the Rev’d David Lloyd and Jane
Jones, his first wife.) The younger Thomas Thomas also created a trust for
Margaret and John Jones that supplied them with money after his death in 1818
through the time of Margaret’s death and then passed to their daughters.
As late as August of 1856 Margaret was demanding payment of annuity.
Nonetheless, the Rev’d John Thomas
(son of the younger Thomas Thomas), who frequently attended John Enoch
(Jones) as he lay dying from 1848 until mid-1850, used the original name.
Although John Thomas looked after the trust created for “John and
Margaret Jones”, in his own diary and in the funeral sermon (Deuteronomy 13:4)
he preached on May 13, 1850, he consistently refers to him as John Enoch.
The death certificate and the gravestone both say “John Enoch.” John
Thomas’s diary entry for June 7, 1858 merely reports that “Mrs Jones” is
to be buried at Llanwenog, but the death certificate says she is the “wife of
farmer David Jones.” (Even death certificates may contain errors.)
Ifan James was not able to find the grave, and the parish records for
those years are missing. (I trust
it is clear why one might find the names confusing.)
John Enoch (Jones) was the son of Enoch Jacob, who was the son of Jacob
John. Jacob John was born about
1700 in Llandysul and died after 1732. With
an unnamed wife he had a daughter, Rachel, born August 28, 1727, another
daughter Rachel born August 20, 1732 (one presumes the first Rachel died), and a
son, Enoch, born at Dolfor in 1730. Enoch
Jacob married Elinor Griffth on June 5, 1762
and died at Pantstreimon farm in 1794 (Pant
is a valley). Their
son, John Enoch (Jones), was born around 1763 at Pantstreimon, so one assumes
that the family was the “occupier” at Pantstreimon until John Enoch (Jones)
moved to Felinewydd (new mill) on the Alltrodyn (lime kiln hill) estate sometime
around 1814. Enoch John and
Elinor Griffith had at least four children—Jacob Enoch, John Enoch, Hannah,
and Rachel. “Rachel” is a name
for several women who are not fully identified.
Enoch John lived at Panstreimon until about 1794; in that year Elinor
John is listed as the occupier and David E. L. Lloyd as the owner, so we presume
Enoch John had died. His son, John
Enoch, married Margaret Lloyd in Llandysul on November 24, 1797 with John Lloyd
and John Thomas as witnesses, and by 1798 John Enoch is listed as the occupier
at Panstreimon. That is true through 1814; in 1815 Ebenezer Davies is listed as
the occupier. Jane Jones was born
to John and Margaret on October 21 at Rhydyceir (rhyd is a stream), a
farm owned by David Lloyd of Alltrodyn, so we can infer that the family had
moved by then. They were still living at Pantstreimon in 1812, when Lettice
Lloyd, Margaret’s mother, died. (D.E.L.
Lloyd was descended from the Lloyds of Maerdref to Tewdwr, not from the male
line of Cadifor ap Dinawal, but are related by marriage to the Lloyds of
Alltrodyn, so John Enoch had acquired a different cousin as his
landlord when he moved to Rhydyceir.)
Sometime before 1826 the family had moved to Felinewydd on the Alltrodyn
estate, for they held Hannah’s wedding feast there.
The census of 1841 shows John and Margaret Enock (sic), farmers, aged 65,
living there with their son Enock, a shoemaker, aged 20.
Margaret
Lloyd The
third and fourth generations of the American family may be interested in the
story of John Enoch because the grandchildren of Richard and Mary (Mallie)
seemed to know so little about it, but the family identity has more to do with
“Lloyd” than with “John’s”.
Although “Jones” was the heritage from John Enoch, clearly the
emigrants identified more with the family of his wife, Margaret Lloyd.
The
Lloyds have a notable pedigree. They can be traced to Cunedda, who came in the
early fifth century with eleven sons from the north of what is now England to
drive out the Irish Celts. Ceredig,
one of his sons, is memorialized in the modern county name of the area he was
given and where our family lived. Uther
Pendragon, known to many of us from the King Arthur stories, Cadwaladr
Vendigraid, the last British King, Hywel Dda, the prince who codified Welsh law,
Rhys ap Tewdur, the kings of Gwynedd, all are listed as ancestors in what is a
fairly standard historical record of British interconnections.
Essylt, who was the heir of Gwynedd in the 9th century,
married Mervyn Vrych, who was the King of Man and the Prince of Wales.
Their son was Rhodri Mawr, who inherited all these titles in 843, and
then married Angharad, who inherited the titles for Ceredigion and Dyfed, as
well as Dehueauparth. Through his
grandmother he also inherited Powys. He ruled Wales for 34 years, and that is
enough reason for him to be thought of as Roderick the Great. Many Welsh people
like to claim to be sprigs of that family tree.
The tradition has been elaborated in Davies’ history, but it is enough
here to suggest that Margaret’s family was among those eager to claim descent
from the giants of the Welsh when Wales was clearly a separate nation—or an
ever-shifting combination of kingdoms sometimes gathered into a nation. The
Lloyds were freemen and much more.
These traditions of Welsh generic history lead in many directions, so
perhaps almost all modern Welsh people can at least claim a trace of such
ancestry, but the Lloyds apparently had legitimate reason to cite their
particular connections. Some
medieval events tie more clearly the story of our immigrants into the general
story. Cadifor, the five-greats
grandson of Rhodri, married Catrin, the daughter of Rhys ap Gruffudd (The Great
Lord Rhys, who was the chief connection of Henry II in Wales as well as a noble
lord in his own right. Some
claim he too should have been titled Prince of Wales.
My own interest in him is enhanced by the fact that in honor of
successful efforts against England he supported the founding in 1164 of the
Cistercian Abbey at Strata Florida, where Daffyd ap Gwillym reputedly is buried.
Daffyd was perhaps the finest European lyric poet of the 14th
century, although some might claim the title for Petrarch.) Cadifor’s military
service to his cousin the Great Lord Rhys earned him in 1164 the Welsh title of
Lord of Castell Hywel and Panstreimon. Castell
Hywel is a family base that eventually became a Unitarian school and more
recently a vacation site. The
original castle was Norman built around 1110, and it was captured by followers
of Owain Gwynedd in 1135. Owain
gave it to his son Hywel, who was a fine poet and mediocre warrior.
He lost it to three Welsh brothers, one of whom was the Great Lord Rhys.
The brothers lost it to Henry II, but in the end Rhys won control by diplomacy
and battle. A late effort in the
series of battles was to take Cardigan Castle; in that effort Rhys was aided by
Cadifor, who was first over the ramparts. Allegedly
the three scaling ladders in the Lloyd crest symbolize that event. Cadifor’s
great grandson, Rhys Voel, is the first person identified in the Family Pedigree
with Panstreimon, which may be where Richard’s grandmother Letitia died and
where Margaret moved after she married John Enoch, who grew up there.
Letitia may have moved there after John and Margaret married, but
probably she stayed at Brynllefrith (milky hill) after her husband David died.
Margaret would have grown up at Brynllefrith, a farm nearby.
Assuredly, like Castell Hywel and Allt yr Rodin, Pantstreimon is a
primary base for parts of the Lloyd family.
Much of the medieval lore was the basis of a “Coming of Age” address
for Arthur Lloyd Davies delivered at Alltyrodyn Arms on Epiphany in 1848 by one
David Davies of Rhydowen, about the same time Richard and Mallie and the
children were struggling through a winter at Ixonia.
As it happens cousin Arthur had inherited the Alltyrodyn estates from his
father, John Lloyd Davies, but Arthur died four years later, so he has but a
small place in our story. The
address makes it clear, however, that the Lloyds knew who they were and were
proud of royal connections.
The period from the rise of the Tudors in England to the beginning of the
19th century is even more striking in suggesting the eminence of the
Lloyds. After the Acts of
Union various family members were substantial landowners, sometimes defined by
their support of churches. Most of
the Lloyds were supporters of the monarchy and the Church, Anglican or Roman.
Liewelyn Llwyd’s (Castell Hywel) son David Llwyd was a member of
parliament in 1544, perhaps the first Welshman, or perhaps the third, to serve
in that body. (Ten other Lloyds followed into Parliament in the next two
centuries, but this kind of counting is open to challenge.
For example, in 1413 or 1414 Lewis John entered parliament. He was a
vintner living in London, but when Henry IV ruled that Welshmen could not own
property in London, he was affected and threw his lot with Henry’s son, who
probably liked his father even less than Shakespeare implies. Henry V (and Owain
Glyndwr) probably owed more affection to Richard II than to Henry IV, and Owain
led the Welsh rebellion against Henry IV. Lewis
John went back to being loyal subject when Henry V became king, but he still
might be counted as Welsh. If one
narrows David Llwyd’s claim to representing Cardigan while actually living
there, then he may have been third by a few months in 1544.).
David Lloyd’s son, Rhys Lloyd, built Alltrodyn, the 17th/18th
century house that dominated the lives of our part of the family.
About 40 Lloyds were sheriffs. In
1577 Hugh ap Llewelyn Lloid bequeathed 2750 acres “and appurtenances” to
various people, mostly to his wife. Griffith Lloyd, who was Principal of
Christ’s College (Oxford) and died in 1585, bequeathed a substantial amount of
land and a huge number of books to various people in Wales.
Other 16th century wills show that they were not the only
prosperous Lloyds. Despite a period of legal troubles for some of the Lloyds
during the Commonwealth period (some Lloyds stayed loyal to the Stuarts, and one
was a member of the Long Parliament) later 17th and 18th
century wills show that they had regained or retained much property. Such
people represent the change from medieval monarchs to modern squires, who did
well by cautiously riding the Tudor coattails.
To be sure, they gave up royal Welsh titles and did not acquire English
ones, but they accepted English surnames and political roles that suggest they
were either co-opted by the English or were representatives of Welsh needs to
the English. Certainly some of them
had impressive properties to hand down to their children. Their souls they left
to God, some money they left to the Cathedral at St David’s, some more to a
local parish, some minor obligations they left to tenants or servants or
friends, but mostly they left farms and houses and livestock to spouses or
children—a large number of whom were named David, or Jenkin, or John, or
Llewellyn, or Charles, or William, or Rees, or Margaret, or Lettice, or Jane, or
Mary, or Ellen. They recycled names, although they sometimes varied the
spelling. It is especially
noteworthy that the men seemed quite comfortable willing property to wives.
That is important because, as Richard Thomas says, in the 18th
and 19th centuries wealthy Welsh widows were very attractive to
impecunious English men, and that had a caroming effect on the customs of
tenancy. The English preferred
short leases on farms and thus exposed the renters to greater financial risks in
bad crop years.
We can focus our interest on a line emerging from Alltyrodyn (also
spelled in various ways). Built by
Rhys Lloyd sometime in the late 17th century (parts may be much
older), it was the birthplace of his son David and his grandson Ieuan and
dominated the valley. Ieuan married Maud Lewis of Caio and took up residence
there. Their eldest son, David,
took over Alltrodyn, and their second son, Richard, whose will was proved in
November of 1701, stayed at Caio and married “well beloved” Margaret Johns.
In his will written when he was “sick in body butt sound in mind of
whole and pfect memory” he reserved his substantial holdings to her “during
the term of her natural life.” Richard of Caio also specified that at her
death the property should go to his grandson Richard (born at Brynllefrith). If
grandson Richard were to die too soon, the property was to go the elder
Richard’s second son “now living”, John.
A more modest grant was made to the third son, Henry, and to sons-in-law.
A missing link, the eldest son, is never named or even alluded to (except by
implication in the “now living”), but I presume he died before or soon after
his son was born but shortly before Richard of Caio died.
No mother is mentioned, and the grandson Richard is subsequently
identified with Coedlannau (quiet woods).
Richard Lloyd of Coedlannau is the great grandfather of Richard, our
immigrant. Born c. 1700, he married
Hester (also born c. 1700), the daughter of John Jenkins, also spelled Shon
Shiencyn. (His son, Siencyn
Sicons, i.e., Jenkin Jones, is memorialized at the new Llwynrhydown chapel.)
John Jenkins was a blacksmith at the little forge (efail fach) at nearby
Wernhir on the Alltrodyn estate in the parish of Llanwenog.
He was said to be a miser, reliable, hard working, and austere in his
living style; he became comparatively rich, possibly because he married the
daughter of Thomas David Rees of Noddyn, a man of substantial fortune.
The description of his personality may or may not be fair, for I see it
in only one source. Richard
Coedlannau and Hester had three sons—David, John, and Postumus (all Lloyds).
David and John, at least, were born at Coedlannau, and John continued to
live there. Richard’s will specifies that David and his mother Hester (also
recorded as Esther) are to administer the estate—unless she remarries—and
substantial education is to be provided for David, at least until the age of 15,
and for John, at least until the age of 16.
He also made provision for a male child (if born alive, for he recognized
that Hester was pregnant) to receive somewhat less money than John but still
given an education. If the child
were a girl, the money would be even less.
Postumus, as the name implies, was born in 1729 after Richard’s death,
perhaps in Llandysul, but in due course David sternly managed to advise and
teach both of his younger brothers. Hester lived until 1756.
David was only five years old when his father died, but Richard of
Coedlannau had also directed that his brother-in-law, Jenkin Jones, be tutor and
guardian to the infant children, so David had help with his brothers. This is
the Jenkin Jones who founded Llwynrhydowen Chapel.
Jenkin Jones, the son of the “miserly” blacksmith, attended the
Carmarthen Academy as “an exhibitioner of the Presbyterian Board” for about
15 months beginning in 1720 in anticipation of becoming a clergyman.
The academy was created by Presbyterians partly to ensure that Welshmen
would be able to read the Bible, partly to make use of educated dissenting
clergy, and partly to help those in need. The
school was never well financed, and even spent some time away from the town.
Perhaps it is worth remembering that up to the 19th
century—and indeed, during it—most education was tutorial.
Even in schools classes were so small that students could be individually
accommodated. Lucy Threakston
emphasizes that at the Academy Jenkin studied with Mr Parrot, who led him away
from the Calvinism of James Lewis, who had been Jenkin Jones’ pastor at
Pantycrouddyn. By the 18th
century even the famous universities on occasion had degenerated into places
where the sons of the rich could sow wild oats and do little else.
That is, most learning was acquired separately from schools.
Still, the Academy was an advance for Wales; in this instance its leaders
really acted as serious tutors to the young men who came there.
Jenkin Jones was born at Trafle around 1700 and died in 1742, a
relatively young man. His father
didn’t die until 1759, and his sister
Hester (or Esther, David Lloyd’s mother) lived until 1756.
When Jenkin completed his work at Carmarthen, he returned in 1724 to
Pantycrouddyn as an associate of James Lewis, his former mentor, and although he
is described as being a young man of “engaging disposition and capable parts,
with a decided talent for preaching” his sentiments were too Arminian for his
colleague and some of the congregation, so he was soon excluded from the pulpit.
He seems to have established the first Welsh society of Arminians,
followers of the 16th century Dutch theologian.
He was apparently ordained in April of 1726 and then held services in his
own home at Wernhir, the site of his father’s little forge, but by1733 the
congregation had grown so large that he needed a chapel.
He chose to build one on his property at Llwynrhyhowen, mostly at his own
expense. Apparently some accounts
suggest that it was his wife’s property and money, but he was not married
until 1734, perhaps in Llandysul to one Mary Thomas, daughter of Thomas David (Camnant
and Pantydefaid), a descendant of the Lloyds of Alltyrodyn.
If his father had been “comparatively rich”, that prosperity may have
provided enough money for building a chapel.
In due course this chapel was replaced by Llwynrhydowen Hen. Whatever
the case, several young Baptist (Calvinist) preachers declared themselves in
favor of his views and he gained followers.
At issue seems to be a pamphlet published in 1729 (perhaps a version of
an earlier sermon) giving “A Correct Account of Original Sin.”
James Lewis wrote a rebuttal. Both
papers were in Welsh . By 1742 the
congregation had grown enough to start an additional chapel at Alltyplaca.
Perhaps the beliefs honored by the members were not much different from
the later views of John Wesley, and Jenkin Jones is identified in an adjunct to
the Lloyd Letters by “W.J.E.” at his death as a Trinitarian.
Nonethelesss, he had founded an Arminian society and is usually identified that
way. (W.J.E., is idenitified by Ifan James as Walter Jenkins Evans, 1856-1927,
Principal of Carmarthen College, 1888-1926). Perhaps he is merely noting that
Jenkin Jones, who is buried in the churchyard at Llandysul, was not far from the
mainstream. Even so the chapels
were known as rebellious and were left in the hands of his nephew and student,
David Lloyd, a man later described as an Arian.
(“Llan” is a holy ground, very likely originally a sacred site for
Druids. It usually is at a
transition point in the terrain—bottom of hill, edge of woods, along a stream.
Christian monks adopted such spaces, and sometimes added a dwelling or a
church as well as a burial ground. The churches are usually dedicated to a
saint. “Llwyn” is a grove, so
Llwynrhydowen is the “grove at Owen’s ford.”
It is perhaps no wonder that the Lloyd-Joneses in the Helena Valley had
“Grove meetings” before they built Unity Chapel as a place of worship.)
David, born in 1724 and subsequently identified with Brynllefrith,
brought a different kind of luster to the Lloyd name. (When Ruth and Hugh Leader
visited the area in the 1970s Brynllefrith had been demoted to a shed and was in
bad disrepair, but at the earlier time it was a substantial house.) His power as
a clergyman brought together neighbors into a community that would later become
Unitarian and would be called “the black spot of Wales” (Y smoten ddu)
by nearby Methodists. Joseph
Priestley, discoverer of oxygen and a Unitarian, referred to David as the most
learned man he knew. He was fluent
in Welsh, English, French, and Italian and wrote in Latin and Greek and read
Hebrew. He memorized much of the
Greek epics, he played the violin, he was “dexterous at most manly
exercises,” and he wrote Welsh and Greek poetry. In 25 years he increased the
communicants in his churches from 80 to 800, and there were many more
“hearers.” In his later years
his son Charles says that he sometimes had so many come to hear him that he
preached outside to as many as 3000 people in a sparsely populated rural area.
One source claims that he could be heard for two miles, but we may be pardoned
for doubting that. Charles merely
claims that his funeral cortege from Castell Hywell, where he died, to Llanwenog,
where he is buried, was two miles long. Even
recent studies of Welsh religion devote considerable space to his achievements.
Letitia, his wife, died at Pantstreimon in 1812 and is also buried at Llanwenog.
David Lloyd, under the supervision of his mother and uncle, was well
prepared. At Llanwenog he studied
with John Evans, and at Carmarthen Academy he received a fine classical
education with Samuel Thomas. He
was so promising a man and his religious views so attractive to “radicals”
that Jenkin’s congregation chose him to succeed his uncle even though he was
only 18 at the time and not yet ordained. Clearly the chapel had taken the
authority to choose its own clergy. For
two years he ministered to the congregation while he continued his studies.
According to his son Charles he was not immediately ordained because more
established clergy did not want to associate with a radical chapel, although one
might speculate that his young age contributed to the delay.
Nonetheless he was ordained in 1745 with at least sixteen ministers
present, most of them Arians. These followers of the first century Arius
affirmed the pre-existence of Christ but insisted that He had been created by
the Father, as had all other beings. David
is buried in the parish churchyard at Llanwenog and is honored there, radical or
not. He
had a good maternal example, too. When
a sympathetic clergyman was delayed from arriving at Llwynrydowen to preach
after Jenkin’s death, Hester Jones rose to the occasion “uttering words of
elevated prayer and praise.” This
was not an era generally to welcome women preachers.
Among
those at David’s ordination was Margaret Lloyd (grandmother of the Margaret
who married John Enoch) of a more prosperous and conventionally Anglican
line of the family. She liked Hester and David even though she did not like his
theology, but she could little have imagined that her daughter Letitia would
become David’s second wife. Since this Margaret Lloyd (wife of Charles Lloyd
of Llanfechan,) is thus the great grandmother of our Richard, I note that she
spent large portions of her estate in helping the poor survive, a precedent
David and Letitia would follow and perhaps became embedded in family values.
David immediately drew followers and established more parallel chapels in
the area at the same time he kept up academic studies, taught some students, and
more-or-less farmed. He was judged an indifferent farmer who didn’t know his
own cows and who paid more attention to Greek literature than to grains.
One of his pupils was brother Postumus. When in June of 1756 he persuaded
followers to let him hire an assistant with the various chapels, he hired
Postumus, partly as a way of encouraging his brother, by then married for two
years, to return to clerical studies. In
due course his brother moved on to other churches.
David married his cousin Jane, the daughter of Jenkin Jones, in 1852, and
they had a daughter, also named Jane, and perhaps a second child.
After his wife died, David was apparently betrothed to a Miss Bowen of
Waunifor in 1758, but she died before a marriage was completed.
He then married his cousin Letitia Lloyd in 1759. She had been raised in
a wealthy household loyal to the Stuarts, but she heard David preach and became
one of his flock. Her sister Sage,
who later married a clergyman of traditional beliefs, was alarmed and reported
to their brother, “Lettice has become a
Presbyterian.” The
brother, being a man of the world, replied, “Is it not better that our sister
should have a sense of any religion than have no religion at all?”
(More than two centuries later Jenkin Lloyd Jones of Chicago would
convene a Congress of Religions in which the dominant sentiment seems very much
like that of the brother.)
The first son of David and Letitia, Richard, was born in 1760. He became
the minister at Llwynrhydowen after his father died, and he died in 1797. The
second son, John, was a mercer and became a schoolmaster in Llandysul.
(His son David was the Principal of the PresbyterianCollege in Carmarthen
and his granddaughter Lucy collected many of the Lloyd papers that serve us
here.) The third son, David, died
in his tenth year. The fourth son,
Charles, born in 1766, is sometimes listed as the first true Unitarian in Wales,
and certainly was a founder of the Chapel at Pantydefaid and the recorder of
much of what we know about David. When
Charles was awarded an LL.D. from the University of Glasgow in 1809 he was
described as “dissenting minister, schoolmaster, and for some time a
farmer.” Actually, he seems to have farmed for two or three years with
disastrous results, and then gave a twenty-one year lease on the land at
Coedlannau. He moved to London, but
returned to Wales frequently. Like
his father David, Charles looms in any account of religious history. He was 12
years old when David died, but his uncle John of Coedlannau “in an unusual
moment of generosity” saw to his education with notable David Davis of the
dissenting school then occupying Castell Hywel; Davis was also David Lloyd’s
co-minister at Llwynrhydowen. In
1784 John “abandoned” Charles, who then went to the Presyterian (i.e.
Carmarthen) Academy, at that time located in Swansea.
The Rev’d Solomon Harries was his landlord and the Rev’d David Peter
was his tutor; the latter he apparently disliked.
Although he was there for two or three years, he had little good to say
of his fellow students. Almost
by accident he fell into serving a congregation at Evesham and then faced the
question of ordination. He did not
want to be ordained conventionally, but he wanted to minister.
He consulted Joseph Priestley, who urged him to accept ordination.
Throughout his life he seems to have been known as given to bouts of
anger. For example, he seems to
have been exceedingly angry that aforesaid David Davis (Castell Hywel) had been
buried too close to David Lloyd, so there would not later be room for Charles
next to his father. He told
Timothy Davis, the son, that he would have the grave moved. ”The old pig shall
not stink near to me.” He
promised to build a great monument to his father at Llanwenog (he didn’t, that
was Lucy Threakston’s gift) but he is memorialized inside of the church,
although he was an avowed Unitarian. One
observes that religious divisions among dissenters are not always as sharp as
they seem. As
a practical matter Charles had various church appointments with what seem to be
various sectarian allegiances, but he especially wanted to have a co-appointment
with David Davis at Llwynrhydowen. The
place was given to Davis’ son Timothy, however.
Charles fell out with parts of the congregation and formed the new
Unitarian chapel at Pantydefaid. It
may have been that he had moved too far toward Unitarianism or it may have been
something of a family split. One of
Mallie’s uncles, David James, and John Enoch were among the supporters of the
new chapel. He also quarreled
bitterly with his brother Richard—for a time would not even call him
“brother’’—and yet later much praised him, perhaps in recognition that
he inherited the estate at Coedlannau from his brother.
He seems to have been one of those people who enjoys verbal fencing, but
he also earned a major place in church history.
He died when our Richard was thirty, but he would have been a major
figure in Richard’s life.
The youngest child and only daughter, Margaret, Richard’s mother, was
born in 1770, and she was only nine when her father died.
Her mother lived until 1812. David had never been paid more than twenty
pounds a year, so he had little to bequeath, but both David and Letitia were
noted for their charity and good works, and other relatives contributed to the
support of Margaret.
Margaret and John were married November 27, 1797 in Llandysul and the
couple lived at Pantstreimon. Margaret
was sometimes thereafter known as “Pegi Pantstreimon”. They had eleven
children, five of whom stayed in the United Kingdom.
David (born in 1798) was a blacksmith near Aberaeron.
John (born around 1801) was a drover (drove herds of farm animals cross
country to Smithfield near London) and in due course settled in London.
An answer to his letter in 1851 prompted Margaret to write with current
information about each member of the family.
Her letter was saved by John and eventually discovered by Ruth Leader,
his great great granddaughter. We
own much of our later discoveries to this fortunate relic and Ruth’s
persistent searches. Lettice (born
in 1809) married Thomas Gower and lived in Carmarthen.
Anna (or Hannah, born in 1803) married John Evans, “the son of Dolebach”
(little meadows) and apparently prospered party by virtue of an inheritance from
her husband. Margaret’s letter
does not mention Thomas (born in 1807), who married Mary Rees and lived at
Blossom Lodge. The
other children turned up in the United States. Jenkin (born in 1807) and Rachel
(born in 1812) went to the Wisconsin in 1840. Jenkin built a house and prepared
for the arrival in Wisconsin in 1845 of Richard (born December 8, 1799) and
Mallie (born in 1807). Jenkin died
the next year and was buried on his own land, but he willed the house to
Richard. Rachel and her husband
(Rees Beynon) built two houses on the land by 1851, but may have then moved to
Watertown Nell
(Eleanor, born in 1809) with her husband, “the son of Oernant” (probably a
farm near a cold stream) came to Wisconsin a little later.
The “son” was John G. Thomas (1812-1885) the son of Griffith Thomas,
descended from Sir William ap Thomas of Raglan Castle, from whom comes the
present royal family. They and their ten children moved near to Rachel and later
to Spring Green, where Richard’s daughter Jane refers to her as the “beloved
Aunt Nell.” Jane
(born 1814, the youngest daughter of Margaret and John) married Thomas Davies
(who later chose to become a Rees) and moved to Given in southern Iowa near
Oskaloosa. Elinor Lloyd Jones (Aunt
Nell of Hillside) in a handwritten addition in Jane Lloyd Jones’ Memorial Book
(Aunt Jenny of Hillside) records an undated visit from Richard’s sister
“Anna” on her way to Iowa. This
is surely Jane, but Aunt Nell has the name wrong.
It is a recollection of an elderly woman about an event of her very early
teens. The same note mentions the existence of Rachel Beynon and includes a
notation that Mallie’s family was short-lived (60-65), but Richard’s family
lived long. I have no
indication of whether these families kept up correspondence beyond Aunt
Jenny’s praise of Nell Thomas, but that doesn’t prove they didn’t.
Aunt Jenny also had some mixed up names; she said David Lloyd and Betsy
Lloyd were the grandparents of Richard, but David’s wife was Letitia, or
Lettuce, or Letty. One is
truly grateful for the Memorial Book, but it is not perfect.
John
Enoch died in 1850 at the age of 90, and Margaret and Enoch Jones (born in
1816), the only child still at home, moved to Blaencwmarch in a cottage across
from Pantydefaid Chapel. The census
lists Enoch as a shoemaker and single. Some
time before December 7, 1852, he married. After
Margaret’s death in 1856, Enoch moved to Ixonia, Wisconsin.
He had two children: Margaret, who was born in 1855 and died in 1858, and
Sarah, who was born about 1857. Enoch
died on September 5, 1873, and his wife (perhaps another Rachel) lived until
1889. I infer that Enoch arrived in
Ixonia shortly after Richard and Mallie left for Spring Green. Certainly there
are three graves there: Jenkin, Enoch, and Rachel.
I know nothing more about Sarah. One
surmises that Margaret’s children were lesser cousins among the Lloyds. She
apparently was fluent in spoken and written Welsh and English, and her mother
was able to provide well for her education.
Her older brothers did well and were well educated –Charles might even
have been called famous—and her other connections by blood were notable.
Some were wealthy, several held positions of considerable status, a
rather large number were educated clergy, and most seemed engaged in matters of
religion. Six of her children left
Wales, though, apparently not finding a place in the home country for them. Mallie’s
Family
On July 14, 1829, at Llandysul Richard Jones and Mary Thomas were
married. Mary’s elder brother
James was one witness. He, David Jones (Richard’s elder brother, a blacksmith
of Llyffanog, near Aberaeron), and Richard Jones all signed their names. Mary
was represented by her mark. That raises the questions of her literacy.
On one hand she memorized poems her Uncle David had taught her.
She was surely exposed to all sorts of Welsh lore and myth.
She had a Bible, although apparently her husband wrote the entries of
birth in it. That is, she might
have been able to read and still not given to writing. In our century we take
writing for granted. We forget that reading and writing were for a long time the
skills of the clergy and a few scribes. In
the 13th century all governmental writing in English was the work of
250 men (who in effect standardized English.) Courtiers like Chaucer in the 14th
century were exceedingly literate, but written records were so scarce that it
was still possible for an archbishop to alter history by forcing monks to
restrict their records to data favorable to bishops or the crown. Somewhat later
sciveners provided ordinary people with wills and other legal texts.
By the 18th century a new middle class needed to write in
order to carry on business, but those people often depended on model letter
books to copy out messages. In rural Britain face to face contact was such that
writing was not really needed. In
short, although Mary perhaps could not write when she was 20, she was not
necessarily ignorant or hostile to education.
So, too, like other immigrants in America, she may have preferred Welsh
for conversation and yet have been able to understand English. The
Thomases were a solid farming family, although not one sporting lordly titles.
Mary’s grandfather, James Griffith of Penwern, (the fifth child of
Griffith Rees Lewis) was reputed by Jane Lloyd Jones in the Memorial Book to be
a poet who died in 1800. He is
buried at Llanwenog and has the last verse of the 17th psalm on his
headstone. Ifan James thinks it
more likely that the poet was James Griffiths, the youngest son of James
Griffith and a drug dispenser, a doctor, an inn keeper, and
a schoolmaster at various times. James Griffith and his wife had eight
children, the eldest of whom was Thomas James born in 1765, Mallie’s father.
The second son, David James, was one of the founders of Pantydefaid Chapel, and
after the death of Thomas, he became the guardian and mentor for Mary.
Thomas James of Penwern had seven children, one of whom was Mary Thomas,
our Mallie, born in May of 1807. Mary’s
mother (“the widow of the late Thomas of Penwern”) was buried at Pantydefaid
on February 12, 1856. Penwern is
just down the hill from Pantstreimon, where John Enoch lived until 1813 and
where Richard was until he was13 years old.
Since John and Margaret were married in 1797 and John is listed as the
“occupier” until 1813, one observes that their son Richard had ample
opportunity to become acquainted with Mallie, the child of Thomas James of
Penwern, the next farm.
. Richard Jones and Mary
Thomas had eleven children. The
birthplaces of the Welsh born children were Dolvor,
Blaencathol or Blaen-yr-allt-ddu; Mary’s Bible identifies the first two
children with Dolvor. Nany and
Jenkin were born at Blaen-yr-Allt-Ddu. All
of these farms are near Pantstreimon, and at least one source suggests all were
born at Pantstreimon. (Aunt Jenny of Hillside wrote that they were born at
Blaenstrimon, but no one has able to find such a place. Doubtless the memory of
what a child heard blended two names.)
Economic
Pressures
In spite of being part of a large and respected family, Richard and
Mallie chose to go with seven children across perilous waters to an unknown
land. Why?
They
leased about 38 (or 23) acres of land and a stone cottage at Blaen-yr-allt-du
from a cousin, Charles Lloyd of Waunifor, and had seven children there, and a
plaque on the cottage asserts that it is the birthplace of Jenkin. Another
source suggests that they built the cottage themselves under a custom that said
if you built a dwelling in a day so that smoke would come out the chimney, the
place was yours. (It was possible
to do a lot of rebuilding in later days, so the original house might have been
rather minimal.) Hugh Leader points out that although the houses and other
buildings may retain the outward appearances of the 18th or 19th
century, the interiors have been much improved, and additions may merely blend
in with the older parts of the exteriors. In
fact, living conditions would have been hard even by the severe poverty
standards of today. The
couple would have four more children in Wisconsin. Supporting such a family on
few acres would have been a challenge in good times, and these were
exceptionally hard times. Richard
also made the stiff peaked moleskin hats to sell to women at fairs to make more
money, but that was not enough to prosper on. It did, however, supply a mythic
story for the family. If a
potential customer thought the hat insubstantial, Richard (large for a Welshman
of his time) would stand on it to prove it was strong and well built. It may
have happened once, or never, but the story suggests an insistent rectitude that
later generations cherished.
Farming in Britain has often been a chancy business, although large
landholders could do very well. Wealth was generally accounted in land up to the
Industrial Revolution, which created new sources of great prosperity.
Enclosure of public lands in the 18th century constrained
small farmers, and low prices hit everybody. Some Englishmen suffering from hard
times found it prudent to marry Welsh widows who had inherited land from
husbands or parents, but sometimes they became unsympathetic absentee landlords
who made Welsh hard times even harder. In
the 19th century even some of the great estates were kept afloat only
by marriage into the wealth of the industrial classes. The coal mines and their
attendant steel mills of south Wales, often our modern picture of 19th
century Wales, were essentially the property of absentee English owners and
actually represented a kind of colonialism. Even when they were owned by Welsh
people or sympathizers, they didn’t help the farmers of mid-Wales.
(The first steel mills were Welsh. Lady Charlotte Guest, a translator of
the Mabinogion, was an owner by inheritance and Taliesin Williams, son of Iolo
Morganwg and a Unitarian, was another. For
all that, the latent distrust of things English flourished throughout Wales, and
English landlords sometimes acted like colonial tyrants.) As
part of their struggle for solvency, Welsh farmers in the 1830s had mounted
attacks on the toll roads, which raised the cost of getting crops to market.
Roads were essentially the private property of the titled classes in the middle
ages, and were maintained by property owners for public good, often through
service required of tenants. As feudal structures faded away, the roads became
the responsibility of governments. Roads were increasingly important to modern
commerce, but money had to be obtained to care for them—hence, tolls.
The railroad revolution of transportation was still two decades away, and
canals or rivers often could not serve. These attacks on toll houses—the
“Rebecca Riots”-- heralded a tumultuous decade leading to the Great Charter
of 1849, a populist movement that put London under siege. This was a culmination
of the age of rick burning and Luddism. One of the early riots in 1837 was near
Lampeter, just a few miles away from Blaen-yr-allt-du.
Family members may or may not have been involved, but they could hardly
have avoided knowing about it. The
troubles were general throughout Europe and led to various revolutions, but in
the British Isles they led to gradual reform.
The first efforts in the 1830s to legislate the use of children in the
mines seem ludicrously inadequate today, but they provided a wedge to open the
way for later laws. By 1832 mild
reformation of parliament shifted some power from landowners to factory owners,
but real reform came much later. One
could not ignore the desperate state of the economy; even though there was a
brief spate of optimism in the 1850s, troubles persisted throughout the century.
The decade of the 40s is identified in the United States for bringing
huge numbers of Irish to America because of what they called the
“starvation”, but essentially it was a response to the economic dislocations
of the industrial revolution and affected most of Europe.
This was the world described by Dickens in “Hard Times, by Elizabeth
Gaskell in “Mary Barton”, and by Benjamin Disraeli in “Sybil”.
It is no wonder that several of the children of John and Margaret would
go to some promised land. Religion
was probably not an issue for these emigrants even though some 20th
century observers have thought so. They
were more than ordinarily religious people, but they seemed to thrive on
disagreement despite laws that restricted dissent.
Their doctrinal differences are highly intellectualized, and their social
differences quite personal. In
Wales generally sects seemed to flourish, and although they argued, they
didn’t really fight, and individuals seemed willing to make suitable gestures
to religious convention. At the
same time the Church of England also was filled with disputes about high, low,
and broad church, not mention such notions as muscular Christianity. Perhaps
hard times and foreign colonizing used up all of the British energy for major
revolutions, but whatever the reason, England avoided major riots and seemed to
accommodate religious variation with a few snide remarks, hazing, and casual
snobbery. Maybe the 16th
and 17th century religious bloodbaths and property seizures had put a
damper on real warfare. They
managed to accept a Jewish prime minister with a mere wink at his background,
and the Oxford movement sired Catholics like John Henry Newman.
I suspect that in American mythology religious persecution is a recurring
theme to explain immigration, so American writers want to believe that it always
an issue. We like our history to be filled with exciting conflict, and mere
economic hunger is pedestrian. Even
now we prefer political fugitives to folks who want to eat.
But in the 19th century America wanted to settle the West, so
we let almost anyone who would pioneer. At
the personal level Jenkin and Rachel had already gone to Wisconsin.
They were single, but they set a precedent and created the possibility of
a welcoming committee. They gave
Richard’s family time to adjust to the idea of moving.
In a sense, the lost tribes of Israel were on the move. What
They Brought With Them
In terms of possessions they had little to carry with them—a few chests
and a dough trough as crib for baby Jenkin.
They brought their religion, their dedication to education, their skills
as farmers (and some flower seeds from Wales), an abiding desire to do good and
help one’s fellow creatures, a wild Romanticism, and a rather full mythology
of Welsh lore and custom. They
expected to work hard, to endure hardship, and eventually to prosper—an
optimistic view of the world.
The fine points of religious doctrine I leave to Thomas Graham and
Richard Thomas, but I note here that in all of the branches of Pedigree, there
are several clergymen of many stripes. Richard and his family were some variety
of Unitarian, but there were cousins of many Christian sects—and given their
love of Nature, I’d not be startled to discover a surviving Druid or at least
some animistic rituals. The lay members of the family took their religious
exercises very seriously. It is
worth remembering that Unity Chapel is the home of a Liberal Christian Society
and although one year it received some help from Unitarians, and various
Unitarians visited and preached there, the Chapel was explicitly not connected
to any national movement. They
cited New Testament books as well as the old, they read John Donne as well as
Emerson. If Jesus was not literally
the third aspect of God, He was still a prophet to be especially honored, and He
represented the human aspects of the godhead.
Like many of the Romantics they seemed to have a mystical communion with
Nature; certainly they cultivated seeds to create beauty as well as food, and
they decorated their world with wild flowers.
In the interests of making full disclosure I note that I think of
religious alliances in three categories as defined by religious acts, procedures
and prohibitions, by religious feelings, and by theology. My assessments may
merely reflect my biases, for one sees the world through one’s own eyes.
Sects as I understand them are mostly shaped in the first grouping.
Whether to stand or kneel, how to account for charitable acts, whether to wear
vestments, what foods are forbidden, whether to speak in archaic language forms,
how to hire a minister, what social class dominates, and similar distinctions
unify and divide religious communities. Clergy may worry about heresy, but
congregants think about comfortable and comforting practices. Ritual acts
stabilize life in an overwhelming world. Still,
religious feelings are important—a sense of awe, of enthusiasm, of
brotherhood, of faith hold people together.
When that is established among the lay people, the specialists can
indulge that branch of philosophy called theology to discover great designs and
crucial connections. The best of
them use their discoveries to justify the practices that comfort people and
explain and exalt the faith that sustains them.
Pace, Tom and Dick, I mean no disrespect. Still, theology operates
in the world of high abstraction and the suggestive metaphor.
Abstractions in natural language have a way of shifting their meanings
with the times and the persons; metaphors by their nature assert that which
cannot be true in order to startle the mind into awareness of some special
quality and to transfer emotional commitment. I
suspect that the Lloyds and the Lloyd-Joneses, clearly religious people, were
dominated by the first category--practice.
Good works, prohibition of alcohol, lay participation, community, hard
labor. In addition they had a
Romantic awe of life itself, but their theology seems tacked on.
Pace, Georgia Snoke. They
may have bickered incessantly about theology in slogans, at least, but the
disputes have the aura of rural or village alliances.
A corollary to the churchly calling is that they were uncommonly well
educated for the time, if not burdened with degrees.
Perhaps ten percent of rural Britons of this time could even sign their
own name, and yet here are multi-lingual people writing poetry and essays as
well as letters and diaries. A fair number were school teachers. Those who went
to Carmarthen Academy in any of its forms received a sound classical and
theological education. These were
intellectual adventurers no matter what the occupation. Richard and Mallie are
not obviously educated, but they clearly thought the arrival of a book in Ixonia
was major event, and Richard seemed regularly to read Y Drych as well as
the Bible, the American transcendentalists as well as the newspapers.
The younger children were educated to the highest standards of the Welsh
tradition; three had degrees, and the other two served as Regents of the
University of Wisconsin. Their
skills as farmers are harder to evaluate because the times were so unpromising.
Their first stop in Wisconsin near Ixonia required lumbering to clear the land.
Once they acquired financial stability they moved near to an area as much like
Wales as they could imagine, and they made that river farm work. By the time of
the Civil War son Thomas led the way across the Wisconsin River to the Valley,
and the others soon followed to adjacent farms.
Enos was last, buying an established farm, and he later served as manager
of Hillside Home School. John had
both a farm and a mill. James and Enos took leadership in developing the College
at Agriculture at the University and paid serious attention to genetics in
breeding cattle and other farm animals, and Enos had the first silo in the area,
so one judges they were serious innovators. Each
branch of the Welsh family is reported to have helped their neighbors as well as
each other. Comment on service seems to be a part of wills, eulogies, and casual
reminiscences for almost everyone. Perhaps
that is expected in the clerical tradition, but Richard and Mallie’s children
seemed to place an especially high value on “lending a hand.”
They may even have been a little self-righteous about it and perhaps
included temperance advice or other instruction about right thinking.
Cousin Maginel Wright Barney, who wrote The Valley of the God Almighty
Joneses, suggests an attitude in her title.
In some respects they remained a medieval tribe, moving en masse, fussing
among themselves about various opinions, but holding firm against outsiders
while honoring hospitality. They
brought a sense of Welsh family and community. The
family has claimed “Truth Against the World” as a family motto brought with
them from Wales, and usually it has been used as evidence of self-righteousness,
of the “honest arrogance” cousin Frank Lloyd Wright favored. The Welsh
phrase and the accompanying runes—three slash marks—are in fact the product
of another Unitarian in Wales. Edward
Williams, a wandering stone mason and antiquarian, created them. He also
re-created the Eisteddfod (the great song fest of Wales), created the Gorsedd
(the battle of the bards), collected many ancient manuscripts and created some
of them as well, wrote poetry in his own poetic name (Iolo Morgannwg) and in the
name of long dead poets, and generally promoted a sense of Welsh culture.
He spent time in London among the great Romantic poets and encouraged
them to write on Welsh themes. (Several of them liked medieval and exotic
materials; Wales was a place of mystery. Robert
Southey in particular honored “old Iolo.”) He
was a true eccentric as well as a Unitarian.
As a mason he traveled a good bit; he had a horse but would not ride it
because that would affront the dignity of a fellow creature. He was in on the
founding Pantydefaid Chapel. The motto he created, Y Gwir yn erbyn y Byd
(Truth Against the World), or the three runic marks which he
claimed represented the motto, is enshrined on various of the thrones made for
chief Bard at the Gorsedd. The
immigrants in the United States simply borrowed it and translated it.
In light of the Romantic preference for Plato, as the Romantics
understood the Greek philosophers, Williams was probably praising Platonic
Idealism against Aristotelian categorizing.
We see a similar sentiment from John Keats: “Beauty is truth, truth
beauty.” For Williams Truth was
greater than Fact, and that is probably related to his mythologizing of history.
Where he didn’t have data, he made it up to fit his notions. The
Lloyd-Joneses seem often to prefer the good story. One
of the more traditional myths was the story of Taliesin the magician, not the
heroic court poet of the 6th century.
Although cousin Frank Lloyd Wright casually explained the name of his
house by referring to “an old Welsh poet”, he more likely heard the story of
Taliesin the magician from his grandfather or his mother.
As Williams told it, a witch bore an extremely ugly son. She wished to
compensate for his appearance by endowing him with great wisdom, so she began to
brew a powerful elixir. Since it took a year of boiling myriad ingredients over
a fire, she hired Gwydion (young William) to stir the pot while she went out to
search for the proper materials. Just as the brew was done, the impish boy stuck
his finger in to taste it, or perhaps it simply spilled on him, but in an
instant he became exceedingly wise and perceived that the witch would be angry.
He changed his shape into various other creatures, and the witch matched each
change by becoming the predator that would destroy him. He at last became a seed
of grain, and she became a chicken and ate him.
Oddly,
in nine months the witch bore another son, a marvelously handsome child with a
shining brow. She hated his history but could not bear to destroy such a
beautiful baby, so she wrapped him like Moses and dumped him in the sea.
An Irish sea captain saw the shining brow of the child floating, and
called out, “Taliesin bid?” (are you shining
brow?), and the babe admitted as much. The captain brought him to shore
and he was raised to become the great mystic counselor of princes, perhaps
somewhat more poetic than Merlin of similar fame among the Bretons.
It is not hard to imagine Richard’s children and grandchildren hearing
such stories as the frontier family entertained itself.
They heard the Welsh myths, the Greek and Roman myths, and Norse myths
(perhaps these came later through Longfellow), and most assuredly they liked
story telling as well as oratory. Perhaps
the last word on their heritage is exemplified in travel from New Quay to
Milwaukee, mostly as reported by Chester Lloyd-Jones, doubtless depending on his
father’s memory of what was told in the family circle.
Two parents and seven children walked and rode with cousins and a wagon
the dozen miles to New Quay to board a small sailing ship, probably a
coastal packet that would take them to Liverpool. There they boarded another
small ship, The Remittance (now identified by Mary Jane Hamilton). After
two weeks at sea the main mast was lost in a storm and the ship had to return to
Liverpool. The passengers waited on
board for another two weeks for repairs, their tickets being non-refundable.
On the second try after six more weeks they made it to New York on
Saturday, December 7, 1844, instead of late September as they had intended. They
record the 8th in memory, and possibly since that was Sunday, they
actually landed on Monday the 9th,
but the ship arrived on the 7th. The traditional story of their arrival is dramatic, but not wholly plausible. The first version I have seen comes from a eulogist who perhaps blended in a generic story of immigration hardships. Chester and others seem to have accepted that version because it is a good story. Richard is said to have landed knowing no English and needing help. In 1916 daughter Jane claims as much. There was little baggage, but they needed help in unloading it. A Welsh speaking “runner” offered to provide a wagon and lead weary travelers to an immigrants’ boarding house, and when Richard had nothing but English money, the runner offered to take a coin for exchange and bring back change. Richard wanted to go with him, so at dusk they out to find a money changer. Somehow they avoided shops that were open and went to a private dwelling where the runner made a false transaction leaving Richard with miscellaneous foreign coins. He was thus abandoned away from the family and short of money, and took some two hours to find his way back to the boarding house because he didn’t know enough English to ask directions. Although
it is true many Welsh people could speak no English, and Mallie may have
strongly preferred Welsh (Jane say that her “converse” was in Welsh, and at
her death she recited from memory the Welsh translation of Grey’s “Elegy”
that she had learned from her Uncle David James.
Ifan James notes that it was probably a translation made by David Davis
of Castel Hywel, the schoolmaster and minister at Llwynrhydowen and printed in a
collection of poems, Telyn Dewi, David’s Harp.)
Nevertheless it is hard to believe that a man growing up in a literate
family where many had excellent command of the language did not pick up at least
a working knowledge. After all for
some years he had known he might go to America and he had the model of a brother
and sister already there. Welsh was
doubtless his first language, but I think it more likely that he was merely
confused by the fatigue of the trip, the unfamiliar places, and the stress of
moment. New York at that time was a
tangle of new immigrants, and the bustling trade of a wildly expanding economy
was enough to be bewildering to anyone. Contact
with any person speaking Welsh would have been welcome to a newcomer disposed to
be trusting, so Richard may indeed have been cheated.
Clearly, though, the family chose to remember the sense of the darkest
hours before the dawn. Winter
was upon the newcomers, so they hurried to get through the Erie Canal before it
froze over. That took them back to
the pier to board a steam driven river boat, itself a novelty.
After ten hours traveling the Hudson with its well established farms on
each side to reassure them, they reached Albany. Then they shifted to a railroad
to travel sixteen miles in less than an hour, another new experience.
And then they boarded a canal boat.
By the time they reached Utica, the canal had frozen and part of it was
being repaired, so they had to put up for the winter.
So many people were passing that way that customary local support was
available to travelers. Welsh folks
found them temporary housing, Richard had minimal work, and the children had
some schooling. As
early as possible the family set out by wagon to Rome, where they could again
use the canal. After they left
Utica en route Nanny became ill with diptheria and died. They buried her in a
shallow grave along the road and went on to Rome, back to the canal, and on to
Buffalo. Georgia Snoke found a 1964 account by Clinton Lee Scott that implies
several children had the disease and it was near Stueben, NY, that Nany died.
Still, John Lloyd Jones’ obituary specifies Utica. A problem with this story
is that the death date given for Nanny in the Chapel yard is December 25 and
that is the date John remembered, and he was apparently quite partial to Nany.
Even allowing that they sought an early boat on the Great Lakes, the dates
don’t work out well. The story as
told by Chester is embellished by a detail: acquaintances from Utica passed them
as they were digging the grave and joshed at them for not moving on before they
realized there was a dead child to be buried. The pathos appeals to a story
teller as does the irony of a Christmas death, but it is hard to make the dates
fit. After
scouting around the harbor in Buffalo the family found a boat that seemed
actually ready to leave for Milwaukee. It
was a wood burner that stopped along the way for fuel and freight.
They found Cleveland lovely, the fort at Detroit dilapidated, the flats
at Mackinaw dull, but Milwaukee in April was a real mess.
In five years it had grown from 1700 to 8000 people and in the rain was a
quagmire. But brother Jenkin was
there to meet them, and it was America. Perhaps it is here that the Welsh
backgrounds dissolve into the American foreground.
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This
document is simply a gathering from various sources primarily to provide family
background for descendents of Richard and Mary.
Although I have tried to make a fairly coherent story, I have also
included some minute details for those wanting to solve some difficult problems
of relationships. The main source
of information is the Pedigree of the Lloyds along with related documents
gathered by Lucy Threakston and John Davies in 1908.
The whole family tree can be found in Mary Lloyd-Jones’ later diagram
of family relationships. Ruth and
Hugh Leader, Pearl and Ralph Chalk, Aubrey Martin, Ifan James and John Jenkins
provided much additional documentary information, especially on the Enoch and
Thomas families. It would be hard
to overstate the contributions of Ifan James and the late John Jenkins.
Memoirs, biographies, and incidental notes by Chester Lloyd-Jones,
Maginel Wright Barney, Jane Lloyd-Jones, Jenkin Lloyd-Jones (especially as
sorted out by Thomas Graham), Enos Lloyd-Jones, Ralph and Helen Lloyd-Jones,
Frank Jeffrey, Jane Wood, Georgia Snoke (an indefatigable researcher and a
strong source of encouragement), Mary Jane Hamilton, Mary Frederickson Joiner,
Richard Thomas, Florence (Bisser) Barnet, and Heidi Kiser have filled out the
story. Where I have tried to relate
the material to the general flow of Welsh history I have depended heavily on
John Davies’ History of Wales or on personal comments by Gwyn Jones,
poet, short story writer, and elegant translator of the Mabinogion. Since
I have found the various sources do not always agree, I have tried to note
issues in doubt. Often what the children in America learned from their parents
is clearly wrong or at least truncated. Stories
probably told in the evening at bedtime have a way of getting mixed with general
immigration myths. I have tried to avoid compounding such errors with my own,
but I accept the likelihood of my misunderstanding.
I have deliberately included some side tidbits just because I found them
entertaining. Several of the people
named above have checked for errors, but in the end the story is told from my
point of view. My own contribution
is not based on original research; rather I bring together material from various
sources so that the work of others can be found in a relatively brief
compendium. My duty is more nearly
analogous to the role of the speaker at a Coming of Age ritual. Richard ap Ralph ap Enos, July 1,2005 AKA
Richard "Jix" Lloyd-Jones
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